Lampião, the emblematic figure of the Cangaço, is often portrayed as a visionary, fearless and cunning warrior, but this heroic image has been increasingly challenged by contemporary historians.

Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, the man behind the myth, not only orchestrated robberies and kidnappings, but also cultivated a scene of extreme violence, where murders were considered rituals and torture was used as a form of intimidation.

The narrative that had previously glorified the cangaceiro as a romantic vigilante evolves into a darker analysis, revealing his alliance with local elites and his brutal behaviour, which in many ways resembles that of contemporary drug traffickers.

The complexity of the figure of the Lampião and the cangaço invites us to reflect critically on the social and political inequalities of rural Brazil at the beginning of the 20th century.

Historians such as Frederico Pernambucano de Mello and Élise Grunspan-Jasmin challenge the simplistic view of the cangaceiro as a hero, They present a leader who skilfully navigated the structures of power, using both oppression and violence as strategies for survival and social advancement.

This duality in the representation of Lampião leads us to re-examine not only his figure, but also the conditions that allowed the phenomenon of cangaço to emerge and persist.

History and biography of Lampião divided into topics

1. Lampião: Visionary warrior or cruel criminal?
2. Lampião and Cangaço: The rise of kidnapping and extortion in the Sertão
3. The book “Lampião VP
4. Lampião: The marketer of Cangaço and his contradictions
5. The legend of Lampião: The History of Cangaço and its Contradictions
6. Cangaço Tricks – Strategies and techniques to outwit the enemy
7. The surprising encounter: Padre Cícero and Lampião in Juazeiro do Norte
8. Bonnie and Clyde of the Sertão

1 – Lampião: The visionary warrior or the cruel criminal

A visionary, fearless and intelligent warrior. No one denies the virtues of the Lampião. But researchers question the true historical role of Virgulino Ferreira.

The cangaceiros made murder a macabre ritual. The long dagger, up to 80 centimetres long, was driven into the base of the victim’s collarbone – the popular soap dish.

The pointed blade sliced through the flesh, severing arteries, puncturing the lung, piercing the heart and, when removed, producing a spectacular splash of blood. That was one less policeman or snitch in the caatinga – and one more death on the cangaço‘s books.

When they didn’t kill, they made a point of wounding, mutilating and leaving visible scars so that the marks of their violence would serve as an example. They used knives to make deep cross-shaped wounds on men’s foreheads and hot cattle branding irons to disfigure women’s faces.

Exactly 70 years after the death of the cangaço’s main leader, Virgulino Ferreira da Silva or Lampião, the aura of heroism long attributed to the cangaceiros is giving way to a less idealised interpretation of the phenomenon.

A number of books, theses and academic dissertations published in recent years argue that it makes no sense to cultivate the myth of an idealistic lampião, a primitive revolutionary, rebelling against the oppression of the latifundia and the injustices of the northeastern hinterland.

Virgulino was not a romantic vigilante, a Robin Hood of the Caatinga, but a cruel and bloodthirsty criminal allied with colonels and large landowners.

Contemporary historians, anthropologists and social scientists have come to a conclusion that is uncomfortable for the memory of the cangaço: in rural Brazil in the first half of the 20th century, the actions of gangs like Lampião’s played a role equivalent to that of the drug traffickers who today kidnap, kill and corrupt in the country’s major cities.

2. Lampião and the Cangaço: The introduction of kidnapping and extortion in the Sertão

• Introduction of kidnapping: The cangaceiros introduced kidnapping to Brazil on a large scale, taking hostages in exchange for money to finance new crimes. If they didn’t get the ransom, they would torture and kill the victims. Extortion was another source of income, with letters demanding astronomical sums for not invading towns and setting fire to houses.
• Violence and corruption: Ruthless, they left their mark of violence and corrupted military officers and civil authorities. With an arsenal always more modern than that of the troops they fought, the violence of the cangaceiros reflected the inequality of rural Brazil in the first half of the 20th century.
• Compare with Drug dealers : Anthropologist Luitgarde Oliveira Cavalcanti Barros compares the methods of the cangaceiros with those of today’s drug dealers, pointing out that in both the sertão and the favelas, the honest population lives under the terror dictated by the bandits.
• Social advancement: Joining the cangaço was a form of social advancement for the young people of the caatinga, offering the possibility of a life of adventure and quick money. The cangaço, which had its forerunners in the 18th century, found its greatest leader in Virgulino Ferreira da Silva or Lampião between 1920 and 1938.
• Origins of the cangaço: The origins of the cangaço can be traced back to armed bands that operated in the violence of the northeastern interior. Lampião excelled in strategic tactics and the cultivation of a vast network of coitus, which ensured the longevity of his career and his dominance in several states of the Northeast.

Controversies about Lampião: There are still differences of opinion about the figure of Lampião. Was he a devil or a hero?

Researchers and former cangaceiros offer opposing views, and the narratives surrounding his figure are so intertwined with the history of the cangaço that it is difficult to separate the man from the legend. This multiplicity of views and versions contributes to his status as a myth.

3. The book “Lampião VP

The book Lampião VP, recently published in France by Jack de Witte, promises to heat up the debate on the figure of Lampião, the “King of the Cangaço”, by comparing him to the Rio de Janeiro drug dealer Marcinho VP, the protagonist of the book report Abusado by Caco Barcelos.

De Witte argues that the violence of the favelas and the cangaço have similar causes, such as poverty, social injustice, police and political corruption.

However, historian Jayme Pinsky of Unicamp warns that this comparison can lead to anachronism – the analysis of different historical periods based on contemporary concepts, which distorts the understanding of the facts.

The concept of the“social bandit“, coined by the English historian Eric Hobsbawm in his book Bandidos (1975), has often been applied to Lampião, comparing him to figures such as Robin Hood and Jesse James, who, according to Hobsbawm, acted as defenders of the oppressed in agrarian societies in transition to capitalism.

• The image of Lampião as a revolutionary began to take shape in 1935, when the National Liberation Alliance cited him as a political inspiration.
• In 1963, in the classic Cangaceiros e Fanáticos, Rui Facó justified the violence of the cangaço as a response to social oppression, a view shared at the time by figures such as Francisco Julião, who saw Lampião as a fighter against the latifundia.

However, scholars such as Élise Grunspan-Jasmin and Frederico Pernambucano de Mello refute this romantic view.

• For Mello, Lampião did not seek social justice but personal gain.
• He also emphasises the relationship between cangaceiros and colonels, who were not rivals but often worked together. Powerful colonels, such as Petronilo de Alcântara Reis and Eronildes de Carvalho (later governor of Alagoas), provided Lampião with weapons and protection, while the cangaceiro offered militia services in return.

This historical complexity shows that Lampião, far from being a simple defender of the poor, skilfully navigated the political and social landscape of his time, maintaining alliances with conservative elites.

4. Lampião: The Cangaço marketer and his contradictions

• The idea of revenge is refuted: The idea that Lampião was an avenger has been refuted by the historian Frederico Pernambucano de Mello. He points out that in almost two decades of cangaço, Lampião didn’t bother to directly avenge his father’s death, allegedly caused by Lucena and Saturnino.
• Gestures of peace: Mello reports that Miguel Feitosa, known as Medalha and one of Lampião’s trusted men, mentioned that Saturnino had sent a uniform and a piece of cloth as a gesture of peace, which Lampião accepted. When an ally suggested killing Lucena, Lampião replied that these matters were old hat.
• Ethical Shields: Mello argues that the discourse of personal revenge and acts of charity were used as ‘ethical shields’ to justify the acts of banditry, giving the actions of the cangaceiros an aura of legitimacy.
• Sense of belonging: Life in the cangaço, although arduous, created a sense of belonging and pride among the bandits, making it difficult for them to leave the groups. This was reflected in the way the cangaceiros dressed, adopting extravagant outfits with embroidery and props that became status symbols.
• Image consciousness: Lampião was extremely conscious of his public image and used his appearance and frequent media appearances, including photographs and filming, as tools for self-promotion.
• Comparison with drug dealers: This preoccupation with image is comparable to the visual ostentation of today’s drug dealers, as suggested by anthropologist Luitgarde Barros, who notes similarities in the use of symbols of power such as hoods and skull tattoos.
• Parallels with police violence: The police violence that oppressed the cangaceiros has parallels in the brutal treatment that drug-trafficking favelas face today. The volantes, the police units tasked with hunting down the cangaceiros, acted with the same ferocity as the bandits, often confusing the two groups, who wore similar clothes, and in some cases switching sides.
• Lampião’s End: The end of Virgulino Ferreira, or Lampião, followed the violent fate of many criminals. In 1938 he was betrayed by Pedro de Cândida, one of his cohorts, who was tortured by the police until he revealed the gang’s hideout in Grota do Angico, Sergipe.
• Death and Legacy: After a brief 15-minute battle, Lampião, Maria Bonita and nine other cangaceiros were killed and their bodies beheaded by Lieutenant José Bezerra‘s troops. The heads of Lampião and Maria Bonita were displayed as trophies and remained unburied until 1969, when they were finally buried at the request of their families, closing one of the most remarkable chapters in the history of cangaço in Brazil.

5. The legend of Lampião: The story of Cangaço and its contradictions

Main events

• 1898: Birth of Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, the future Lampião, in Serra Talhada, Pernambuco.
• 1915: Rivalry begins between the Ferreira family and the José Saturnino family.
• 1920: Lampião’s father, José Ferreira, dies. Virgulino and his brothers join the cangaço.
• 1922: Lampião takes command of the gang after the departure of Sinhô Pereira and begins his robberies.
• 1926: He receives the symbolic rank of Captain from Padre Cícero and is called to fight against the Prestes Column.
• 1927: Foiled attack on the town of Mossoró in Rio Grande do Norte, considered one of his greatest defeats.
• 1929: He meets Maria Bonita, who becomes his companion in the cangaço.
• 1930: Maria Bonita officially joins the gang, marking the female presence among the cangaceiros.
• 1932: Birth of Expedita, daughter of Lampião and Maria Bonita.
• 1936: Film-maker Benjamin Abraão films Lampião and his gang, capturing rare scenes of the cangaceiros’ daily life.
• 1938: Lampião, Maria Bonita and some of their gang are killed in an ambush at the Grota do Angico in Sergipe.

The story of Lampião continues to fascinate and provoke debate about his figure, which is portrayed by some as a“social hero” and by others as a simple bandit.

Cangaço as a movement was a phenomenon linked to the social and political conditions of the northeastern region, especially power struggles, social inequality and the absence of a centralised state.

6. Cangaço tricks – strategies and techniques to outwit the enemy

Although it is inaccurate to classify the cangaceiros as guerrillas – since they had no defined political purpose – it is undeniable that they adopted typical guerrilla tactics. Adapted to life in the caatinga, they became difficult opponents for the police, especially for the units sent from the cities to fight them in the sertão.

Fast attacks

• Fast Attacks: One of the main difficulties in facing them was their penchant for fast, ferocious attacks that took the enemy by surprise. They also didn’t hesitate to flee when cornered. This retreat, often interpreted as cowardice, was in fact a cunning strategy by the cangaceiros, allowing them to maintain their strength and continue to operate in a hostile environment.

Tropa de Elite

• Small Gangs: The gangs were always small, with a maximum of 10 to 15 men. This gave them the mobility to launch surprise attacks and to retreat quickly in dangerous situations.

The dead of night

• Travelling on foot: Instead of travelling on horseback along roads and paths known to the police, they would travel long distances on foot, preferably at night.
• Sabotage: To prevent new access routes to the Sertão from being opened, they murdered workers at road and railway construction sites.

The equipment

• Hanging belongings: All the cangaceiro’s belongings were carried hanging from his body.
• Secret Storage: Since they couldn’t carry much, money and food were placed in jars buried in the ground, to be retrieved later.

Desert Foxes

• Hiding Tracks: The cangaceiros were masters at hiding their tracks.

Some tricks included

• Wearing their sandals backwards to make the police think they were walking in the opposite direction.
• Walking in single file, backwards, stepping on the same footprints and erasing them with leaves.
• Jumping over a slab, giving the impression of disappearing into thin air.

Dead weight

• Rare prisoners: With the exception of abductees, they almost never took prisoners in battle, as it hindered their ability to move quickly. They also didn’t keep wounded or immobile comrades.

Conflict resolution in the gang

• Conflict Resolution: To resolve internal disagreements within the gang, Lampião would always plan a major attack. All members of the gang would unite against the enemy, putting aside their differences.

The infiltrators

• Coiteiros: Those who gave the cangaceiros shelter and protection were called coiteiros and acted in exchange for money, armed protection or even fear. Coiteiros who betrayed their trust were killed to set an example.

Escape routes

• Areas of Operation: The Cangaço’s main areas of operation were near state borders. In the event of pursuit, they could cross them to be safe from attack by the local police.

Friendly and enemy fire

• Fundamental Rule: In combat, there was a fundamental rule: never leave weapons to the enemy when retreating; take their armoury when victorious.

7. The surprising encounter: Padre Cícero and Lampião in Juazeiro do Norte

The night that Padre Cícero spoke to Lampião was marked by an unusual meeting between two of the greatest myths in the history of the Northeast.

A third mythological figure, Luís Carlos Prestes, the commander of the Prestes Column, also played a role in this encounter. Since the previous year, this military guerrilla movement had been travelling through the interior of the country, confronting the troops of President Artur Bernardes.

As the revolutionary column marched towards the northeast, the federal government decided to call on local political leaders to form their own armies and fight the rebels.

General Góes Monteiro, chief of staff of the operations against the column, admitted that the idea of calling up jagunços and cangaceiros had come from him.

In Ceará, the deputy Floro Bartolomeu, a political ally of Padre Cícero, officially invited Lampião’s band to join the Patriotic Battalion.

In February 1926, Father Cícero attempted a peaceful solution by sending a letter to the revolutionaries urging them to lay down their arms and promising them shelter in Juazeiro do Norte and legal guarantees of fair treatment. Lourenço Moreira Lima, the column’s secretary, recorded in his diary that the message revealed the priest’s sincere desire for peace.

But the request was ignored. When Lampião arrived in Juazeiro do Norte on 4 March, Floro Bartolomeu had already left for Rio de Janeiro, where he was to die.

Padre Cícero was then faced with the challenge of receiving the famous bandit and carrying out the deal.

Lampião and 49 other cangaceiros occupied a house near Floro’s farm and stayed in Juazeiro do Norte, where Virgulino threw coins at the people from the window.

At dawn, Father Cícero met the gang and tried to persuade Lampião to abandon the cangaço after the campaign against Prestes.

To formalise the situation, he called in the only federal official available in town, the agronomist Pedro de Albuquerque Uchoa, to draw up a document that would guarantee the gang safe passage and the promised patent.

Lampião quickly discovered that the document had no legal value, but that didn’t stop him from signing it as Captain Virgulino.

This gave the cangaceiro enough money and weapons to continue on his way, now proudly bearing the false military rank.

Uchoa later justified his involvement in the episode by saying that he would sign anything in front of Lampião: “Even the impeachment of the President of the Republic,” he said.

8. Bonnie and Clyde of the Sertão

The love of Maria Bonita and Lampião revolutionised the daily life of the cangaceiros. A country girl, Maria Gomes de Oliveira, known as Maria Déa, softened the stony heart of the King of Cangaço. Separated from her husband, the cobbler José Miguel da Silva, she was the first woman to join the Cangaço.

Before her, other gangsters had wives and children, but none had dared to follow their mates into the wandering life of the caatinga.

The first meeting between Maria and Lampião took place in 1929, in Malhada de Caiçara (BA), at the home of Maria’s parents, then just 17 years old and the niece of one of Virgulino’s cohorts. The following year, the young woman left her family to live with the man she loved.

When the news reached Lampião’s old master, Sinhô Pereira, he was surprised. He had never allowed women into his gang, believing it would cause discord and jealousy. But after Maria’s arrival in 1930, many cangaceiros followed her example.

In the cangaço, women didn’t cook or wash clothes, and since no one owned a house, they had no domestic responsibilities. The men did the cooking and washing, and they were limited to keeping their partners company.

Any children born were given to the coiteiros to bring up. Lampião and Maria had a daughter, Expedita, born in 1932. However, the couple’s first child was stillborn in 1930. In the caatinga, infidelity was punished under the concept of honour: the cangaceiro Zé Baiano killed his wife Lídia when he discovered her betrayal, and Moita Brava murdered his companion Lili for her love of the goat Pó Corante.

The arrival of the women coincided with the decadence of the cangaço. Since Maria Bonita began to accompany Lampião, the cangaceiro’s nomadic life changed, with longer periods of rest, especially in Sergipe. Maria’s influence on Lampião was obvious. Researcher Pernambucano de Mello said: “Lampião was very changed. His aggression had diminished in Maria Déa’s arms”.

It was during one of these moments of respite in the Sergipe hinterland that Lampião was surprised and killed at Grota do Angico in 1938, after a battle with Lieutenant José Bezerra‘s troops. It is said that Maria Bonita was wounded but still alive when his head was cut off.

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